The Maple: From November 2022: How The Threat of a General Strike Forced Doug Ford to Blink

 From November 2022:  How The Threat of a General Strike Forced Doug Ford to Blink

By Scott Martin • 

This story was first published on Nov. 8, 2022

A union representing tens of thousands of education workers in Ontario called off planned strike actions on Monday in exchange for the Doug Ford government promising to rescind legislation that imposed a contract and made going on strike illegal.

When the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) announced on Sunday a press conference for Monday morning, media outlets like City News confirmed there were plans to announce a general strike in response to the Ford government’s draconian legislation.

Ford responded by scheduling his own press conference to take place an hour earlier. During the conference, Ford was asked if he wished he had done anything differently in regards to Bill 28  the legislation that imposed a new contract with “insulting” 1.5 and 2.5 per cent pay increases for workers making an average of $39,000 per year  replying: “Absolutely not.” He then refused to say whether he would again use the notwithstanding clause, which made going on strike illegal, in future labour disputes.

Ford suggested that withdrawing the use of the notwithstanding clause was an option if CUPE workers called off planned strike action. Although news outlets like CP24 said the premier’s willingness to rescind the use of Section 33 – the notwithstanding clause – was an “olive branch,” his position was only a slight alteration of his government’s previous demand that the strike be cancelled before negotiations could continue.

It was not immediately clear that the Ford government’s potential withdrawal from using Section 33 would be extended to rescinding Bill 28 in its entirety during the conference, but this was confirmed later by Global News reporter Colin D’Mello. D’Mello also confirmed that Ford had no plans to recall the legislature to process the repeal this week.

CUPE’s press conference was subsequently delayed, as the union’s leaders were reportedly in talks with Ford about the specifics of the deal. CUPE representatives, who were accompanied by private and public sector union leaders from across the country, then announced that they had agreed to end the current walkout.

The deal does not guarantee there will not be future strikes. President of CUPE’s Ontario School Board Council of Unions Laura Walton said Monday the union is still willing to strike if negotiations fall apart.

The Ontario legislature is not sitting this week, and MPPs will not be recalled early for the vote to repeal Bill 28. The repeal motion will be tabled on Nov. 14.

Adam D.K King, a union researcher, told The Maple via email that CUPE made the right move. King said if the strike had been unsuccessful, CUPE workers would still be under the conditions imposed by Bill 28.

“By returning to the bargaining table, the union no longer faces an imposed contract,” said King.

How We Got to This Point

After Ford and the Progressive Conservative Party used the notwithstanding clause in Bill 28, suppressing CUPE members’ constitutional right to strike, the union continued with its announced plans for strike action.

On Nov. 4, the first day of the strike, there were 126 CUPE actions across Ontario, with an estimated 8,000-10,000 people joining the protest at Queen’s Park, according to CTV’s Heather Butts.

Ford’s government used the notwithstanding clause to override the constitution, impose a four-year contract on 55,000 CUPE workers, make their strike action illegal and levy individual fines of $4,000 against each striking worker, and $500,000 against the union. Labour experts said the use of the notwithstanding clause in this manner amounted to an unprecedented attack on workers.

The passage of Bill 28 was surrounded by heated protest. On Nov. 2, the House Speaker ejected more than a dozen NDP MPPs for refusing to retract comments calling Ford a liar or refusing to come to order. Two days prior, the Ford government had called for a 5 a.m. sitting to preemptively expedite Bill 28 before the strike took place. During the vote, CUPE members shouted “shame” at conservative MPPs.

Ontario Education Minister Stephen Lecce continually repeated his stance that the CUPE strike was preventing students from being in schools, harming parents and disrupting learning. However, the public was largely in support of CUPE workers and disapproving of Ford, Lecce and the PC government’s handling of negotiations.

In a survey conducted by Abacus Data, 62 per cent blamed the provincial government for schools being closed, 48 per cent supported the idea of other unions walking off the job in solidarity with CUPE and only 29 per cent wanted the Ford government to continue with its heavy handed approach.

The Ford government’s decision to pass Bill 28 was a sign of overconfidence, according to King. “I think the Ford government overplayed its hand,” he explained. “The government managed to unite the entire labour movement in an effort to repeal Bill 28 and protect the Charter rights of workers across Canada.”

King also said that while Ford’s refusal to commit to not using the notwithstanding clause again poses potential issues for the labour movement in the future, “unions have demonstrated the public consequences of doing so.”

Solidarity and Action

Before Monday’s agreement, independent media outlets reported over the weekend that the Ontario Federation of Labour (OFL) and CUPE had been considering launching mass protests on Nov. 12, followed by a general strike on Monday the 14th. This plan was later confirmed by other news outlets.

Even before plans for a general strike were reported, other unions showed their support for CUPE workers. Ontario Public Service Employees Union (OPSEU) President J.P. Hornick announced last Thursday that 8,000 OPSEU members were walking out on Friday in support of CUPE.

The British Columbia Teachers Federation announced Saturday that the union’s representative assembly had voted to send $1 million to CUPE Ontario to cover fines incurred as a result of Bill 28. Unifor, Canada’s largest private-sector union, pledged $100,000 to support striking CUPE workers.

At the same time, Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) President Rob Cormier announced that 81 per cent of his union’s membership voted against a Metrolinx contract offer, which triggered a strike on Nov. 7 after a deal was not reached. Although negotiations between ATU and Metrolinx have been ongoing since April, Cormier announced the news during the CUPE rally at Queen’s Park on Friday.

During the Nov. 4 action, CUPE President Fred Hahn told The Maple that he was focused on the courage of his fellow union members.

“It’s why 8,000 OPSEU workers who work in schools are joining us,” Hahn explained. “It’s why others are joining us, and it’s why I have hope that after years of government after government thinking they can just trample on working people and strip us of our rights, that finally people are going to say ‘enough is enough.’”

Phillippe Tessier, a train conductor at Canadian National and a member of the Teamsters union, came from Montreal to show his support at Queen’s Park on Friday. Tessier discussed ways his union had recently supported others taking action for better pay and conditions.

In one instance, his local drafted a letter that the union president signed in support of a public sector workers’ strike in New Brunswick last year. “It’s things like that, using the union structure and using the union as they are today; it’s the only weapon we’ve got,” said Tessier. “It’s the only thing we can use to defend ourselves from attacks on our conditions.”

Where to Go from Here?

King said the repeal of Bill 28 is undoubtedly progress for the state of the Ontario labour movement and CUPE workers. “CUPE and its members are now back at the table with their rights restored, after having demonstrated an unprecedented level of union strength and public support,” he explained. “Although there are no guarantees at the bargaining table (there never are), they have tipped the balance of power in their favour.”

Although the situation on Friday was drastically different from the one on Monday, Hahn said at the Queen’s Park rally that the idea of parents and workers being on different sides was a false dichotomy.

“There is no divide,” said Hahn. “The government is trying to say there are parents and there are workers. It’s bullshit. Parents are workers. Workers are parents. We are not different; we are the same.”

Tessier said he sees “a need to fight” emerging from workers amid the growing number of strikes happening across North America. While Canada has a nominal labour party, Tessier sees a need for a much stronger voice in Parliament tied more directly to the economic power that unions provide. “You’ve got fights like this one, you might win, you might lose, but then after that, there’s going to be another one,” said Tessier. “We need to have a labour party based on the unions.”

King said while the repealing of the unprecedented and “draconian” legislation was a good start, there needs to be consistent momentum going forward. “In the short-term, that mobilization will need to be maintained to ensure CUPE education workers make gains at the bargaining table,” he said.

“In the long-term, I hope unions in the education sector and beyond can harness this victory and the organizing it necessitated to push for much more.”

Waging Ahead

Alberta needs a raise!

Join us for a crucial discussion on CUPE Alberta’s ‘Waging Ahead’ campaign.

CUPE Alberta President Rory Gill is touring the province, holding 17 town hall meetings about the need for higher wages for workers, and building an action plan to get them!

Years of zeros and government wage directives have set our members back. A decade of 0%, 1% or 2% wage increases have hurt, since cost of living increases have been significantly higher.

Workers in Alberta have a weaker purchasing power and lower real wages now than we did 10 years ago. We’re finding it harder to make ends meet and it is not sustainable. Recent high inflation of 6.4% percent in 2022 and 3.3% percent in 2023 has only made the situation worse.

Be part of the movement to stand up for higher wages and enhance the collective purchasing power of workers.

 

Meetings in your area:

Choose the link below for information in the City and date you want to register for:

Grimshaw (Monday March 4th) Grande Prairie (Monday March 4th)
Edson (Tuesday March 5th) Edmonton (Wednesday March 6th)
Red Deer (Tuesday March 6th) Drumheller (Thursday March 7th)
Medicine Hat (Thursday March 7th) Taber (Friday March 8th)
Lethbridge (Friday March 8th) High River (Saturday March 9th)
Calgary (Saturday March 9th) Fort McMurray (Tuesday March 12th)
Edmonton (Wednesday March 13th) St. Paul (Wednesday March 13th)
Calgary (Thursday March 14th) Medicine Hat (Tuesday March 19th)

Virtual Meetings:
Virtual – Zoom (Monday March 11th)
Click for more information and to register

Virtual – Zoom (Saturday March 16th)
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The Union Wage Premium Remains Strong Across Canada

By Adam D.K. King • 22 Jan 2024

Despite organized labour facing decades of attacks from employers and governments, the union wage premium remains strong.

That is the conclusion of a recently released study by Andrew Stevens, associate professor in the Faculty of Business Administration at the University of Regina, and Angèle Poirier, PhD candidate at the Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy at the same institution. “The Union Advantage” provides a detailed comparison of union and non-union wages and benefits across Canada, with a particular emphasis on Saskatchewan.

As Stevens and Poirier report, in 2022 unionized workers earned hourly wages 11 per cent higher than their non-union counterparts. In Saskatchewan, the union advantage was even greater, at 18 per cent. The average union member earned $34.12 per hour in Saskatchewan, $5.18 per hour more than the average non-union worker. In Canada as a whole, the average hourly union wage advantage was slightly smaller but still significant: $34.69 vs. $31.14 per hour, or a difference of $3.55.

The union advantage is even larger at the median (i.e., when we consider the wage directly in the middle of the distribution). By this measure, union members earned 28 per cent more across Canada, a difference of $7 per hour, and 31 per cent more in Saskatchewan, a difference of $7.69 per hour.

As Stevens told Class Struggle: “Across Canada and industries, unions provide clear economic benefits for workers. There are exceptions, of course, but collective bargaining still gets the goods.”

Unions Protect The Most Vulnerable Workers

The report also finds that the advantages of unionization are greatest among workers who otherwise face disadvantages in the labour market. For example, young workers between the ages of 15 to 24 who are union members earned 26 per cent more across Canada and 30 per cent more in Saskatchewan, on average, than their non-union counterparts did in 2022.

Women continue to register a significant overall union advantage, especially in certain industries. For example, in educational services, women who are union members earned 24 per cent (or $7.35 per hour) more than non-union women. Perhaps most importantly, the gender wage gap was smaller for unionized women than for non-unionized women across six industries in Saskatchewan and eight industries in Canada as a whole in 2022. In other words, collective bargaining plays a key role in closing the pay gap between men and women.

Those in part-time employment also benefited from an especially strong union wage advantage, Stevens and Poirier found. When compared to non-union part-time workers, part-timers who belong to a union in 2022 earned 41 and 42 per cent more per hour in Canada and Saskatchewan, respectively. This translates into $7.90 more per hour in Saskatchewan and $8.58 more per hour across Canada. Union membership thus provides greater economic security to those with part-time status.

For workers in low-wage industries, or in sectors with low union density, Stevens and Poirier also report a strong union wage advantage. As Stevens remarked, “What caught me a little off guard was the scale of [the union wage] advantage in certain industries like food services, where unions have a minimal presence.” Indeed, union members in the broad accommodation and food services sector across Canada earned between 5 and 13 per cent more than their non-union counterparts in the same industrial category in 2022. This demonstrates that greater unionization could make a huge difference to workers in such typically low-wage and currently non-union industries.

The Wage Premium in Union Strongholds

“The Union Advantage” also reports a wage premium in sectors perhaps more associated with union membership. For example, in the Canadian construction industry, union members continue to earn more than non-union workers. In 2022, union members in construction earned 16 per cent more per hour than those without union coverage.

As well, the report found that unionized workers earn more than non-unionized workers in the health care and social assistance sector across Canada. In 2022, the average wage rate in this sector was $32.34 per hour for unionized workers, compared to $29.24 per hour for non-union workers (a difference of 10 per cent).

On the other hand, there are troubling figures recorded for the manufacturing sector. The report found that non-union workers in manufacturing earned higher average hourly wages than unionized workers across Canada: $31.91 vs. $29.16 per hour in 2022. Though, when using the median, union members had a slight advantage. Nevertheless, this is a cause for concern, given the once strong union presence in Canadian manufacturing.

Between 1997 and 2023, union density in manufacturing declined from 36.4 per cent to 22.9 per cent. This falling union density, while not the entire story, goes some distance in explaining the eroding union wage premium in manufacturing, a trend that must be reversed.

Advantages Beyond Wages

Beyond wage and salary advantages, Stevens and Poirier’s study also finds that union membership is associated with greater access to benefits, such as paid sick leave. While only 55 per cent of non-union workers in Canada had access to paid sick leave in 2022, 80 per cent of union members did. In Saskatchewan in particular, the difference was even more stark: only half of non-union workers had paid sick leave, while 86 per cent of union members did.

When it comes to pension coverage, the union advantage was even more apparent. Across Canada, only 37 per cent of non-union workers aged 15 and over had access to a workplace pension in 2022. By contrast, 82 per cent of union members had a pension. In Saskatchewan, 45 per cent of non-union workers in this age range had a pension, whereas 88 per cent of union members had this benefit.

Across all industries in Canada, the share of unionized workers with access to benefits, including supplemental medical or dental care, pensions, paid sick leave, paid vacation leave, or maternity/parental benefits, ranged from 71 per cent to 82 per cent. By contrast, among the non-unionized, the share of workers with these benefits ranged only from 37 to 66 per cent. In Saskatchewan specifically, Stevens and Poirier report similar trends.

“The data shows that collective bargaining helps to secure supplementary benefits, like paid sick leave, where most workers are only covered by basic employment standards. So we can’t just focus on average hourly pay. [J]obs might be part-time and casual, but workers in these circumstances still deserve access to health care, paid leave, pensions, and paid vacations. Unionization helps precarious employees secure these gains,” Stevens told Class Struggle.

The Eroding Union Wage Premium?

Throughout the post-pandemic economic recovery, the wages of non-union workers have risen faster than those of union members across Canada, as Stevens and Poirier point out.

From 2020 to 2022, non-union workers saw an average hourly wage increase of $2.04 per hour (7 per cent), while the wages of union members increased $1.68 per hour (5 per cent). Weekly wage increases were also higher for non-unionized workers: a growth of $75.12 per week (or a 7 per cent increase), compared to an increase of $70.14 per week (a 6 per cent increase) for unionized workers.

A tight labour market and rising prices compelled employers to offer higher wages to attract or retain workers. At the same time, union members had to wait for collective agreements to expire before they could renegotiate their wages and salaries. There was thus some concern that non-union wages growing more quickly than union wages would diminish the union wage advantage and perhaps undermine the attractiveness of union membership.

Despite the above trend, Stevens and Poirier find that union membership still provides clear monetary and non-monetary advantages. As Stevens told Class Struggle, “[Union] wages are often constrained by the period in which workers negotiate improved benefits upon expiry of a collective agreement, so non-union employers have the advantage of adjusting benefits unilaterally as they see fit based on economic circumstances and existing business models. But it’s clear that average wages for unionized workers are still higher despite a quicker pace of growth in non-unionized hourly compensation.”

At the same time, the fallout from elevated inflation and a cost-of-living crisis may still encourage greater numbers of workers to seek union membership. After all, only unionization increases workers’ bargaining position through the power of collective organization.

As Stevens put it, “Inflation and its supposed cure — hiking interest rates — is hurting unionized and non-unionized workers alike, so advantages across the board are being chewed up by existing economic circumstances. Real wages are stagnating for most workers. That should be a call to double-down on unionization and use collective bargaining as a tool to get more money into the pockets of workers in Canada. We can’t rely on central bankers and monetary policy to do that for us.”

He added: “Studies over the last few decades illustrate that the union wage premium has been declining, so it’s important to recognize that the benefits still exist and remain strong despite periodic assaults on collective bargaining rights, the effects of austerity and increased global competition.”

Recent polls show Canadians are broadly supportive of unions. In fact, the popularity of unions exceeds actual union membership. In other words, there is a union representation gap. More people want to be union members than currently are. The findings presented by Stevens and Poirier clearly demonstrate why this is the case.

However, labour and the left can’t simply rest on our laurels. Over the past several decades, private sector union density in Canada has declined, and with it so has the union wage premium. At the same time, thousands of workers want to be part of the labour movement and are presently prevented, whether because of prohibitive laws, employer resistance, or a lack of union organizing.

In other words, despite the welcomed persistence of the union advantage, there’s still plenty of work to do.

What is the AHS Review Implementation Plan?

In 2019, the UCP hired a private consultant (EY Canada) to review the work of Alberta Health Services and provide recommendations on how to cut health expenditures. Once the  consultant finished its report, the UCP demanded that AHS developed a plan to quickly implement the recommendations of the review.

The AHS implementation plan was released on October 13th, 2020. In total the AHS Review Implementation Plan has 100 initiatives that will affect workers and patients everywhere in the healthcare system.

The proposals in the AHS Review Implementation Plan include:

  • Outsourcing laundry and linen services, inpatient food services, laboratory services, housekeeping, and patient transportation services. This will result in layoffs of up to 11,000 frontline healthcare workers.
  • Reducing staffing levels in nursing units (medical, surgical, obstetrical), operating rooms, intensive care units, emergency departments, long-term care facilities, laboratories, and pharmacies. This will result in layoffs of hundreds of nurses and other staff in clinical support services.
  • Rolling back wages, benefits, and other provisions in collective agreements across the board, especially targeting nurses.
  • Removing funding floor protections for LTC facilities and transforming thousands of LTC beds into DSL beds across the province. This will affect long term care operators and their staffing levels.
  • Increasing accommodation fees for seniors in long-term care and designated supportive living and for patients in private and semi-private rooms in acute care units, and imposing co-payments for seniors in home care.
  • Transferring the costs of drugs to patients by implementing a private model of pharmacy services.
  • Reorganizing what services are provided in small and medium community hospitals and increasing privately delivered surgeries.
  • Increasing the use of wander guard technology and bed alarms and implementing “tele-sitting” to replace staff who watch over patients or seniors.

Additionally, the UCP unilaterally terminate the contract with the doctors and expanded the role of for-profit private clinics in providing healthcare services. At its most recent general meeting, the UCP approved a motion to allow privately funded medical services, which means the complete privatization of healthcare, so that the wealthy can jump waiting lines and get services first, leaving the rest of us with lower quality services and longer waits.

It is crucial that we resist the UCP’s plan to layoff thousands of frontline workers, transfer costs to patients, and further privatize healthcare. The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that robust public services are the lifeline of a prosperous and resilient society. We must support our healthcare workers in this time of crisis. We must build strong communities and take care of each other. And we must send the government a clear message that its policies are not what we want. Are you ready to send that message?